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October 29, 2006

UN investigates Migrant workers

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=35235

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Where Did I Learn to Write Spanish So Well?

And how the hell did this end up being published in Spain?

The world works in mysterious ways. Nice to be translated into Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, German, Chinese and Tagalog.

October 27, 2006

SECTION: ISSN: 1564-4227

ACC-NO: 153418485

LENGTH: 1090 palabras

HEADLINE: TRABAJO-IRAQ: CASI ESCLAVOS EN EMBAJADA DE EEUU.

BYLINE: Phinney, David

BODY:


Por David Phinney

WASHINGTON, Oct. 27, 2006 (IPS) - La confusión dominó en marzo de 2005 a John Owen, un estadounidense de 48 años que trabaja desde hace27 en la industria de la construcción, mientras abordaba el jet blanco que debía conducirlo a Iraq desde Kuwait.

Owen, empleado de First Kuwaiti Trading & Contracting, la firma libanesa que construye la nueva embajada de Estados Unidos en Bagdad a un costo de 592 millones de dólares, recuerda que en el aeropuerto fue rodeado por medio centenar de obreros recién contratados, procedentes de Filipinas e India.

La alarma cundía en el grupo. Todos ellos portaban documentos de embarque rumbo a Dubai. No a Bagdad.

"Pensé que se trataba de una confusión, que tal vez estaba abordando el avión equivocado", relató Owen, capataz general de la obra oriundo del sudoriental estado estadounidense de Florida.

El veterano constructor abordó a un gerente de la empresa que se encontraba cerca de allí y le preguntó qué ocurría. El hombre le reclamó con gestos que guardara silencio.

"Si alguien se entera que nos dirigimos a Bagdad, no nos dejarán subir al avión", le susurró el gerente.

Tanto secreto le sonó extraño a Owen, pero tomó su equipaje y siguió adelante. El jet, efectivamente, voló sin escalas a Bagdad. "Me imaginé que tenían visas para Kuwait y no para Iraq", señaló el capataz.

Owen ignoraba entonces que Filipinas, India y otros países habían decidido, por motivos de seguridad y ante la creciente oposición mundial a la guerra, prohibir o restringir la posibilidad de que sus ciudadanos trabajaran en Iraq.

Desde 2004, muchos gobiernos estampan en los pasaportes el sello "No válido para Iraq".

Owen tampoco sabía que, desde Washington, tanto el Departamento deEstado (cancillería) como el de Defensa investigaban silenciosamentea contratistas como First Kuwaiti, sospechosas de tráfico de trabajadores y abuso laboral.

Medios de comunicación internacionales acusaban a First Kuwaiti deatraer a obreros de terceros países a Kuwait con ofertas de empleo seguro para coaccionarlos luego con el objetivo de que trabajaran en Iraq.

First Kuwaiti facturó a Estados Unidos varios miles de millones dedólares desde que comenzó la guerra, en marzo de 2003.

Buena parte de su trabajo es realizado por mano de obra barata procedente de Asia meridional y sudoriental. Según diversas versiones, cuenta con unos 7.500 obreros extranjeros en territorio iraquí.

El contrato secreto que firmó con el Departamento de Estado le encarga a First Kuwaiti la construcción de la embajada más cara y fortificada del mundo. Con su apertura prevista para 2007, el complejo cercano al río Tigris igualará en tamaño al Vaticano.

Pero esta obra fue uno de los peores empleos que tuvo Owen en casitres decenios de desempeño como constructor, en los que participó enla instalación de embajadas estadounidenses en Angola, Armenia, Bulgaria, Camboya y Camerún.

En ninguno de esos cinco países vivió el caos que experimentó en Iraq. Todos ellos sufrían su cuota de dictaduras, violencia y crisis económica, pero las empresas a cargo de las obras siempre trataron a sus trabajadores de manera justa y profesional, aseguró..

First Kuwaiti, con sus actitudes brutales e inhumanas, resultó serla excepción. "Nunca vi un proyecto más jodido. Violaban todas las leyes laborales de Estados Unidos", sostuvo.

En noviembre de 2005, siete meses después de firmar contrato con First Kuwaiti, Owen renunció.

El capataz informó entonces a First Kuwaiti y al Departamento de Estado, en la misma carta en la que comunicó su decisión, que los gerentes solían atacar físicamente a los obreros, demostraban poca preocupación por las condiciones de seguridad e incluso las ponían en peligro con frecuencia.

Y todo ocurría en plena Zona Verde, el área de Bagdad más controlada por las fuerzas militares de Estados Unidos y frente a las naricesdel Departamento de Estado, que no puso reparos al contrato firmado en julio de 2005.

Owen también se quejó del deficiente saneamiento, las miserables condiciones de vida impuestas a los trabajadores y las pésimas prácticas médicas en los campamentos donde First Kuwaiti aloja a varios miles de migrantes que reciben una ridícula paga de entre 10 y 30 dólaresdiarios.

Como les ocurre a muchas empresas contratadas por Estados Unidos en Iraq, First Kuwaiti prefiere importar mano de obra barata de paísespobres porque consideran que el reclutamiento de trabajadores locales representa un dolor de cabeza en materia de seguridad.

Ni el gerente general de First Kuwaiti, Wadih al-Absi, ni su abogada estadounidense, Angela Styles, ex asesora de la Casa Blanca en cuestiones laborales, respondieron a los numerosos correos electrónicos y llamadas telefónicas para que corroboraran o desacreditaran las acusaciones.

Funcionarios del Departamento de Estado involucrados en el proyecto también ignoraron o rechazaron las oportunidades que se les brindó para realizar comentarios.

Sin embargo, el Pentágono emitió el 4 de abril una nueva directivaen materia de contratos, basada sobre una investigación secreta que confirma oficialmente las quejas de miles de obreros sudasiáticos contratados en Iraq.

Algunas compañías, muchas de ellas subcontratadas por la firma Halliburton/KBR, apelaban a contratos engañosos y fraudulentos y cobraban cuotas de servidumbre que ahogaban a los trabajadores migrantes malpagados en pesadas deudas con sus propios empleadores durante meses o incluso años.

Los contratistas también fueron acusados de proporcionar a sus obreros alojamientos hacinados, malas condiciones de sueño y pésima alimentación, así como de eludir los procedimientos migratorios vigentes en Iraq.

El Pentágono se ha negado a identificar a las empresas que incurrieron en estas irregularidades, pero admitió el 19 de abril en un memorándum que sus responsables en Iraq y en Afganistán solían apoderarsedel pasaporte de los trabajadores extranjeros.

Al retener los pasaportes --una violación directa de las leyes estadounidenses sobre tráfico de mano de obra--, los trabajadores se veían imposibilitados de abandonar Iraq o de obtener mejores empleos en ese mismo país.

Los contratistas que incurrían en estas prácticas deben "cesarlas y desistir de ellas", según el memorándum.

"Todos los pasaportes serán devueltos a los empleados para el 1 demayo de 2006. Este requisito regirá para cada uno de los subcontratistas que desempeñan tareas en el escenario" iraquí, señala.

Pero el Pentágono aún no ha anunciado sanción alguna para las empresas que violaron las leyes estadounidenses sobre tráfico de mano de obra o contrataciones.

LOAD-DATE: October 31, 2006

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October 22, 2006

Babylon Rising in the Jet Age

Things began looking more sketchier than ever to John Owens as he boarded a nondescript white jet on his way back to Iraq in March 2005 following some R&R in Kuwait city.

Working as a general construction foreman for First Kuwaiti Trading & Contracting, the lead builder for the new $592-million US embassy in Baghdad, Owen remembers being surrounded by about 50 company laborers freshly hired from the Philippines and India. Everyone was holding boarding passes to Dubai -- not to Baghdad.

"I thought there was some sort of mix up and I was getting on the wrong plane," says the 48-year-old Floridian who once worked as a fisherman with his father before moving into the construction business.

He buttonholed a First Kuwaiti manager standing near by and asked what was going on. The manager waved his hand, looked around the terminal and whispered to keep quiet.

"'If anyone hears we are going to Baghdad, they won't let us on the plane,'" Owens recalls the manager saying.

The secrecy struck him as a little odd, but he grabbed his luggage and moved on. Everyone filed out to the private jet and flew directly to Baghdad. "I figured that they had visas for Kuwait and not Iraq," Owens offers.

The deception had all the appearances of smuggling workers into Iraq, but Owens didn't know at the time that the Philippines, India, and other countries had banned or restricted their citizens from working in Iraq because of safety concerns and growing opposition to the war. After 2004, many passports were stamped "Not valid for Iraq."

Nor did Owens know that both the US State Department and the Pentagon were quietly investigating contractors such as First Kuwaiti for labor trafficking and worker abuse. In fact, the international news media had accused First Kuwaiti repeatedly of coercing workers to take jobs in battle-torn Iraq once they had been lured to Kuwait with safer offers.

A FORTRESS RISES IN BAGHDAD

The Kuwait-headquartered, Lebanese-run company has billed several billion dollars on US contracts since the war began in March 2003. Much of its work is performed by cheap labor largely hired from South Asia and the company has an estimated 7,500 foreign laborers in the theater of war. Now, with a highly secretive contract awarded by the US State Department, First Kuwait is in the midst of building the most expensive and heavily fortified US embassy in the world. Scheduled to open in 2007, the sprawling complex near the Tigris River will equal Vatican City in size.

But Owens says that working on the project proved to be one of the worst jobs he has ever had in his 27 years of construction work.

Not one of the five different US embassy sites Owens had worked on around the world previously compared to the mess he describes. Armenia, Bulgaria, Angola, Cameroon and Cambodia all had their share of dictators, violence and economic disruption, but the companies building the embassies were always fair and professional, he says. First Kuwaiti is the exception. Brutal and inhumane, he says "I've never seen a project more fucked up. Every US labor law was broken."

Seven months after signing on with First Kuwaiti in November 2005, he quit.

In the resignation letter last June, Owens told First Kuwaiti and US State Department officials that his managers physically assaulted and beat the construction workers, demonstrated little regard for worker safety, and routinely breached security.

And it was all happening smack in the middle of the US-controlled Green Zone -- right under the nose of the State Department that had quietly awarded the controversial embassy contract in July 2005.

He also complained of poor sanitation, squalid living conditions and medical malpractice in the labor camps where several thousand low-paid migrant workers lived. Those workers, recruited on the global labor market from the Philippines, India, Pakistan and other poor south Asian countries, earned as little as $10 to $30 a day. As with many US-funded contractors, First Kuwaiti prefers importing labor because it views Iraqi workers as a security headache not worth the trouble.

Despite numerous emails and phone calls about such allegations, neither First Kuwaiti general manager Wadih Al Absi nor his lawyer Angela Styles, the former top White House contract policy advisor, have responded. After a year of requests, State Department officials involved with the project also have ignored or rejected opportunities for comment.

YOUR PASSPORTS PLEASE
That same March Owens returned to work in Baghdad, Rory Mayberry would witness similar events after he flew to Kuwait from his home in Myrtle Creek, Oregon.

The gravely voiced, easy-going Army veteran had previously worked in Iraq for Halliburton and the private security company, Danubia. Missing the action and the big paychecks US contractors draw Iraq, he snagged a $10,000 a month job with MSDS consulting Company.

MSDS is a two-person minority-owned consulting company that assists US State Department managers in Washington with procurement programming. Never before had the firm offered medical services or worked in Iraq, but First Kuwaiti hired MSDS on the recommendation of Jim Golden, the State Department contract official overseeing the embassy project. Within days, an agreement worth hundreds of thousands of dollars for medical care was signed.

The 45-year-old Mayberry, a former emergency medical technician in the Army who worked as a funeral director in Oregon, responded to a help wanted ad placed by MSDS. The plan was that he would work as a medic attending to the construction crews on the work site in Baghdad.

Mayberry sensed things weren't right when he boarded a First Kuwaiti flight on March 15 to Baghdad -- a different flight from Owen's.

At the airport in Kuwait City, Mayberry said, he saw a person behind a counter hand First Kuwaiti managers a passenger manifest, an envelope of money and a stack of boarding passes to Dubai. The managers then handed out the boarding passes to Mayberry and 50 or so new First Kuwaiti laborers, mostly Filipinos.

"Everyone was told to tell customs and security that they were flying to Dubai," Mayberry explains. Once the group passed the guards, they went upstairs and waited by the McDonald's for First Kuwaiti staff to unlock a door -- Gate 26 -- that led to an unmarked, white 52-seat jet. It was "an antique piece of shit" Mayberry offers in a casual, blunt manner.

"All the workers had their passports taken away by First Kuwaiti," Mayberry claims, and while he knew the plane was bound for Baghdad, he's not so sure the others were aware of their destination. The Asian laborers began asking questions about why they were flying north and the jet wasn't flying east over the ocean, he says. "I think they thought they were going to work in Dubai."

One former First Kuwaiti supervisor acknowledges that the company holds passports of many workers in Iraq -- a violation of US contracting.

"All of the passports are kept in the offices," said one company insider who requested anonymity in fear of financial and personal retribution. As for distributing Dubai boarding passes for Baghdad flights, "It's because of the travel bans," he explained.

Mayberry believes that migrant workers from the Philippines, India and Nepal are especially vulnerable to employers like First Kuwaiti because their countries have little or no diplomatic presence in Iraq.

"If you don't have your passport or an embassy to go to, what you do to get out of a bad situation?" he asks. "How can they go to the US State Department for help if First Kuwaiti is building their embassy?"

DEADLY 'CANDY STORE' MEDICINE

Owens had already been working at the embassy site since late November when Mayberry arrived. The two never crossed paths, but both share similar complaints about management of the project and brutal treatment of the laborers that, at times, numbered as many as 2,500. Most are from the Philippines, India, and Pakistan. Others are from Egypt and Turkey.

The number of workers with injuries and ailments stunned Mayberry. He went to work immediately after and stayed busy around the clock for days.

Four days later, First Kuwaiti pulled him off the job after he requested an investigation of two patients who had died before he arrived from what he suspected was medical malpractice. Mayberry also recommended that the health clinics be shut down because of unsanitary conditions and mismanagement.

"There hadn't been any follow up on medical care. People were walking around intoxicated on pain relievers with unwrapped wounds and there were a lot of infections," he recalls. "The idea that there was any hygiene seemed ridiculous. I'm not sure they were even bathing."

In reports made available to the US State Department, the US Army and First Kuwaiti, Mayberry listed dozens of concerns about the clinics, which he found lacking in hot water, disinfectant, hand washing stations, properly supplied ambulances, and communication equipment. Mayberry also complained that workers' medical records were in total disarray or nonexistent, the beds were dirty, and the support staff hired by First Kuwaiti was poorly trained.

The handling of prescription drugs especially bothered him. Many of the drugs that originated from Iraq and Kuwait were unsecured, disorganized and unintelligibly labeled, he said in one memo. He found that the medical staff frequently misdiagnosed patients. Prescription pain killers were being handed out "like a candy store ... and then people were sent back to work."

Mayberry warned that the practice could cause addiction and safety hazards. "Some were on the construction site climbing scaffolding 30 feet off the ground. I told First Kuwaiti that you don't give painkillers to people who are running machinery and working on heavy construction and they said 'that's how we do it.'"

The sloppy handling of drugs may have led to the two deaths, Mayberry speculates. One worker, age 25, died in his room. The second, in his mid-30s, died at the clinic because of heart failure. Both deaths may be "medical homicide," Mayberry says -- because the patients may have been negligently prescribed improper drug treatment.

If the State Department investigated, Mayberry knows nothing of the outcome. Two State Department officials with project oversight responsibilities did not return phone calls or emails inquiring about Mayberry's allegations. The reports may have been ignored, not because of his complaints, but because Mayberry is a terrible speller, a problem compounded by an Arabic translation program loaded on his computer, he says.

ACCIDENTS HAPPEN
Owens' account of his seven months on the job paints a similar picture to Mayberry's. Health and safety measures were essentially non-existent, he says. Not once did he witness a safety meeting. Once an Egyptian worker fell and broke his back and was sent home. No one ever heard from him again. "The accident might not have happened if there was a safety program and he had known how to use a safety harness."

Owens also says that managers regularly beat workers and that laborers were issued only one work uniform, making it difficult to go to the laundry. "You could never have it washed. Clothing got really bad -- full of sweat and dirt."

And while he often smuggled water to the work crews, medical care was a different issue. When he urged laborers to get medical treatment for rashes and sores, First Kuwaiti managers accused him of spoiling the laborers and allowing them simply to avoid work, he says.

State Department officials supervising the project are aware of many such events, but apparently do nothing, he said. Once when 17 workers climbed the wall of the construction site to escape, a State Department official helped round them up and put them in "virtual lockdown," Owens said.

Just before he resigned, hundreds of Pakistani workers went on strike in June and beat up a Lebanese manager who they accused of harassing them. Owens estimates that 375 laborers were then sent home.

'TREATED LIKE ANIMALS'
Recent First Kuwaiti employees agree that the accounts shared by Owens and Mayberry are accurate. One longtime supervisor claims that 50 to 60 percent of the laborers regularly protest that First Kuwaiti "treats them like animals," and routinely reduces their promised pay with confusing and unexplained deductions.

Another former First Kuwaiti manager, who declines to be named because of possible adverse consequences, says that Owens' and Mayberry's complaints only begin "to scratch the surface."

But scratching the surface is the only view yet available of what may be the most lasting monument to the US liberation and occupation of Iraq. As of now only a handful of authorized State Department managers and contractors, along with First Kuwaiti workers and contractors, are officially allowed inside the project's walls. No journalist has ever been allowed access to the sprawling 104-acre site with towering construction cranes raising their necks along the skyline.

Even this tight security is a charade, says on former high-level First Kuwaiti manager. First Kuwaiti managers living at the construction site regularly smuggle prostitutes in from the streets of Baghdad outside the Green Zone, he says.

Prostitutes, he explains are viewed as possible spies. "They are a big security risk."

But the exposure that the US occupation forces and First Kuwaiti may fear most could begin with the contractor itself and the conditions workers are forced to endure at this most obvious symbol of the American democracy project in Iraq.

David Phinney is a journalist and broadcaster based in Washington, DC, whose work has appeared in The Los Angeles Times, New York Times and on ABC and PBS. He can be contacted at: phinneydavid@yahoo.com.

Posted by davidphinney at 04:57 PM | Comments (2) | TrackBack

October 21, 2006

Press Release

The news from the $592-million embassy project rising up along the Tigris is not pretty. Low wage workers from South Asia are being smuggled in from Kuwait to help push up the profit margins of the contractor, First Kuwaiti Trading and Contracting.

Once there, First Kuwaiti managers are said to physically assault their workers, and provide paltry medical care. Safety precautions on the construction site are said to be non-existent.

What do we hear from the US State Department on this? Stone dead silence -- along with hostility to any questions.

ALLEGATIONS:

* Witnesses say First Kuwaiti has smuggled low-paid Asian workers on planes toBaghdad after taking away their passports and issuing airplane boarding passes for Dubai. Taking passports is a violation of US trafficking laws and contracting.

* First Kuwaiti has coerced low-paid workers to take jobs in Iraq against their wishes after recruiters lured them to Kuwait for different jobs. (Interviews with Filipino workers who escaped Iraq available.)

* Although no journalist is allowed on embassy site, prostitutes are smuggled in by First Kuwaiti managers, according to former employees. Prostitutes are a "breach of security," says one former manager for the company.

* An American medic recommended that health clinics serving thousands of embassy construction workers be shut down for unsanitary conditions and then was fired. He also requested the investigation of two workers who may have died from mistreatment. Prescription pain killers were handed out like "candy" and workers were sent back to work on project, he says.

* There have been numerous beatings of workers by First Kuwaiti managers and labor strikes, say former employees. This reflects complaints of others who witnessed mistreatment on other projects.


For the full, and developing story, check it out at CorpWatch.org.

Posted by davidphinney at 10:38 PM | Comments (0) | TrackBack

October 11, 2006

Follies for Foley

The Republican effort to cast blame on the media for publicizing Rep. Foley's masturbatory online flirtations with teenage house pages doesn't appear to stick.....

I ran into a friend who told me he was sitting on a story about a then-unnamed US Representative with a predilection for young teenage pages last spring -- say six months ago. He said he didn't know what to do with it and was planning to tell a member of Congress about it sometime. I would have begged him for it if I had a place to publish it.... But alas, not at the time.

Well, I ran into him last weekend sitting on a bar stool in a Capitol Hill Haunt -- alone and being very, very quiet.

I asked what he was doing. After all, it might be a good time for a celebration after breaking such a very large and consequential story to the media. He almost singlehandedly put the Bic lighter to what has become a huge firestorm of news.

His response? "I am trying to avoid a subpoena."

And, in fact, he may be doing just that. According to some reports the FBI is investigating HOW the story broke as much as to what extent Foley's fixation was with House pages and if the Florida Republican broke any laws.

Ken Silverstein's account with Harper's online is much more lucid than mine.

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